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Orphans' organs case closed

The state prosecutor has closed the file on disturbing allegations
that orphaned infants in Menoufiya were murdered for their organs
Cairo Times
 
A shocked country can heave a sigh of relief. As it turns out, it's
probably not true that (as Akhbar Al Yom put it) a "different kind of
human being exists in Shebeen Al Kom than anywhere else in Egypt." On
25 March, state prosecutor Raga Al Arabi announced that he was closing
the file on allegations that the custodians of an orphanage in the
eastern Delta town had killed children to steal their organs. But this
leaves two questions unanswered. First, what exactly did happen to the
25 children who died? Second, assuming the allegations were false,
what were the motives of the 10 parliamentarians who circulated the
story in the first place--and created widespread negative publicity
here and abroad in the process?
 
The whole chain of events leading to the investigation highlights the
Byzantine nature of provincial politics. The orphanage in question
first came under suspicion last year. In the summer of 1998, the
Menoufiya branch of the Ministry of Social Affairs (MOSA) began to
investigate the General Association for the Care of the Handicapped,
run by TV director Mohammed Abdel Aal, for alleged financial and
administrative "irregularities." These had come to the ministry's
attention thanks to the lawyer for Abdel Aal's ex-wife, Hala Zahran.
The social affairs ministry began an investigation, and got Governor
Hussein to remove Abdel Aal and appoint a new board. (Abdel Aal
responded, the ministry's local representative said, by closing the
orphanage and dumping the children on the stairs of the local MOSA
office.)
 
The investigation apparently began to lag, but that changed on 15
March. Local parliamentarian Shafiq Al Gindi suddenly announced in
parliament that he had received evidence that 25 children at the
orphanage had died the previous summer, and that their organs had been
sold to wealthy Arabs. (The state press reported that the MP had
received this information from Hala Zahran's lawyer.) The next day, Al
Gindi and nine other Menoufiya MPs took their information to Menoufiya
prosecutor Adel Said. A scandal was born. Egypt, and the world,
suddenly heard that there was something very evil going on in
Menoufiya, right under the governor's nose.
 
So what could the motives have been here? Zahran's grievances with her
ex-husband are easily enough deduced, but what's less clear is why the
MPs were so eager to get involved. The conventional wisdom--voiced by
Al Wafd editor Abbas Al Tarabili and others--points to the
long-running, well-known enmity between Governor Hussein and the
province's parliamentary delegation.
 
It's a fairly common phenomenon. MPs get themselves elected by
promising services which they expect the governor to deliver, or by
organizing local charities (orphanages, for example), that the
governor is supposed to regulate. The governor, meanwhile, is
appointed from Cairo--he's never a native of the province he's
supposed to govern--expressly to keep a tight control on things. The
governor's often from the military, security forces, or judiciary
(Hussein's a former prosecutor); the parliamentarians are more often
local businessmen or professionals. Essentially, it's a conflict
between the two sides of the regime, the part that rules by coaxing
and the part that rules by commanding.
 
So would MPs really make up a story like this out of whole cloth,
endangering the reputation of the nation, simply to remove a rival?
Twenty-five deaths in two months is suspicious (although Governor
Hussein told state newspapers on 18 March that such rates are natural
in orphanages, where many of the wards are foundling newborns who
arrive dehydrated and hypothermic).
 
Filed at Shebeen Al Kom's educational hospital are the death
certificates, whose serial numbers the MPs say are consecutive,
indicating that nobody else died in Menoufiya within the same time
period. Then there are press reports that Shebeen Al Kom's two
gravediggers couldn't recall burying the children.
 
None of this indicates that any organs were stolen. All of the
children were less than two years old, and, as health ministry
officials have pointed out, Egypt doesn't have the technology for
transplant from infant donors. Gross negligence, perhaps, but outright
murder seems unlikely. That, at any rate, was the opinion that the
press was coming round to when the state prosecutor announced on 25
March that the case was closed. One more thing--he asked journalists
not to write about issues that could harm the Egypt's reputation.
Given that the state apparatus in Menoufiya seems quite capable of
trashing the country's reputation on its own, and local journalists
are, if anything, the ones in the best position to set things
straight, that seems a strange request to make.
 
Vol. 3, Iss. 3
1 to 14 APRIL 1999

http://www.cairotimes.com/cairotimes/content/archiv03/orphorg.html